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Spinoza, conatus, and ethics in a world of absolute necessity

Conatus is the linchpin of Spinoza’s ethical system. This concept bridges Spinoza’s metaphysics of substance, his definitions of the affects, and his ethics proper. In this paper, I argue that conatus addresses a core problem in the Ethics: how to have ethics in a world of absolute necessity. I begin this paper by explaining conatus as it relates to metaphysics. In the second section, I focus on conatus and the affects. In the third section, I turn to Spinoza’s ethics proper and specifically his conception of good and evil. In the fourth section, I focus on the principle of moderation. In the fifth and final section, I conclude by showing how conatus relates to Spinoza’s doctrine of necessity.

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Nightingales

This poem complements an essay I published in Taxis called “Who Remembers Paliomylos? From the Troodos Mountains of Cyprus.”

"T'aidonia de s'afinoune na koimetheis stis Platres."
                                                                                                — Giorgos Seferis, "Helen".

         Past the near meadows, over the still stream,
                Up the hill-side; and now 'tis buried deep
                        In the next valley-glades:
         Was it a vision, or a waking dream?
                                                                                               — John Keats, "Ode to a Nightingale".
What do nightingales think
of symbolism?

Silver light fills the valley
The fresh evening air resounding
With the nightingale's song.

My heart opens, my mind fills
With memories of light:

The fireplace, the Christmas tree
The morning sun, the evening moon
The comet, the stars, the milky cloud
Etched like frosted glass
On a clear summer's night.

In the morning, the hammers pound.
The voices of neighbors float
From orchards to verandas.

The birds bide their time
Until winter rains
and residents retreat.

Life after life.

Habermas and Civil Society

In this essay, I focus on the concept of “civil society” in Habermas. I trace its development through the four phases of juridification Habermas outlines in The Theory of Communicative Action. To substantiate this development, I look backwards to Habermas’ foundation in the Hegelian and Marxist conceptions of civil society. I then turn to Habermas’ later text Between Facts and Norms, which argues for a strong relationship between the law and civil society. On the one hand, I deeply appreciate how Habermas elevates civil society, making its characteristic intersubjectivity the foundation of law. On the other hand, I worry about where this leaves civil society. In particular, I think the process presented positively in Between Facts and Norms contradicts Habermas’ own analysis of juridification in The Theory of Communicative Action. I think Habermas looks to civil society as a model because it is a space of spontaneous free interaction between autonomous subjects. But when the law assumes the functions of civil society, this space of freedom and autonomy risks disappearing. Before elaborating on this argument about Habermas, I will provide some motivation for why I see this as a risk.

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Natura 2000 and the Alikos – Agios Sozomenos

A comprehensive study of the site was undertaken as part of the designation of the Alikos – Agios Sozomenos area as a Natura 2000 site. The resultant report notes that the site is the only inland area with halophytic (salt-tolerant) plants around a river. This is because the Alikos and the even smaller tributary, the Almyros, rarely flow and when they do carry many salts (see p. 37). In addition to the riverine area, the report notes (on p. 7) that

the hilly area around Agios Sozomenos is perhaps the most important refuge in the surrounding area … since it is a nesting area for birds and bats. It is also the only untouched part (if we except the neighboring quarry) of the site, if one considers the pressures the rest of the area is under from industry, residential development, agriculture, and the primary road network.

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The Alikos river and agriculture in Agios Sozomenos

The Mesaoria combines every extreme of beauty and ugliness; barren, sand-bedevilled, empty, and under moon-light a haunted waste; then in spring bursting with the shallow splendours of anemone and poppy, and cross-hatched with silk-soft vegetation. Only here you realize that things pushed to extremes become their opposites; the ugly barren Mesaoria and the verdant one are so extreme that one wonders whether the beauty or ugliness has not the greater power.

Lawrence Durrell, Bitter Lemons

When I first visited Agios Sozomenos in February, I was astonished: the land was lush, with tall green stalks of barley waving in the breeze. Just two months later, in mid-April, all the green had dried to the dirty-gold I associate with Mesaoria, the semi-arid plains of Cyprus. This variability was central to the life of everyone who lived in Agios Sozomenos and nearby areas, from the Bronze Age to today.

Agios Sozomenos is built in Mesaoria, near the confluence of the Alikos with the Yialias. This eastern part of the plains was originally a shallow bay that silted up over the past two million years (see Andrea Rowe, The Ayios Sozomenos Region: A Bronze Age Landscape in Cyprus (PhD thesis: University of Sydney, 1995)). Over that time, the rivers have delivered fertile sediments to replenish the soils of the alluvial plains, moving nutrients from the mineral-rich Troodos Mountains into the lowlands. These river valley floors are topped by kafkallia, a type of hard limestone that is resistant to weathering and thus lends itself to a topography of mesas, buttes, and plateaus overlooking the rivers. The Yialias may have been more powerful in the past, but in the past 6000 years the river has not incised itself more than 6 metres (Frank L. Koucky and Reuben G. Bullard, “The Geology of Idalion,” in American Expedition to Idalion, Cyprus: First Preliminary Report: Seasons of 1971 and 1972 (Cambridge, MA: American Schools of Oriental Research, 1974), p. 17). Yet even when the rivers don’t flow, there is underground water easily available by digging shallow wells.

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Transcript of Πληγωμένες Αλάνες (Wounded Fields), a documentary on Agios Sozomenos

I transcribed and translated the following documentary created as a project by journalism students at the University of Cyprus, which includes interviews with both Greek- and Turkish-Cypriot former residents of Agios Sozomenos. I am grateful to Danae Michael, Andreas Paphitis, and Raphaella Stavrinou for their work and letting me translate their video.

[NARRATOR:] Agios Sozomenos: a village of the Nicosia District, between Geri and Potamia. A small village, which was once shared by Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, living peacefully under mud-brick roofs. The only thing that separated them was a road.

If you happen to pass by the fields of the village, you probably don’t realize the history hidden in their soil. The fields were once playful, carefree places — symbols of unity, coexistence, and trust.

All of this until 6 February 1964, when the village’s fate would take a decisive turn. That was when the fields were transformed into symbols of suspicion, division, and conflict. The occasion for this transformation was the intercommunal strife of 1963–64, which could not have left the village unaffected.

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The events of 6 February 1964 in Agios Sozomenos

On 6 February 1964, fighting broke out in Agios Sozomenos that left 6 Greek Cypriots and 7 Turkish Cypriots dead, and led to the abandonment of the village by all of its residents. Here, I present the narrative of those events as we can reconstruct them from the surviving sources.

The issue of Phileleftheros on 6 February 1964 led with the headline “Cyprus was Painted with Fresh Blood from Turkish Chauvinists”.

Turkish Cypriots who recount the event start the story on 21 December 1963, when there was also fighting over the water pumping station in Agios Sozomenos, or even 30 October 1963, when a Turkish-Cypriot shepherd was kidnapped. For them, the events of 6 February were part of a series of escalating events that disrupted peace in the village.

On Thursday 6 February itself, fighting broke out over the water pumping station (υδραγωγείο), which controlled water access to the larger villages of Athienou and Pyroi, as well as Agios Sozomenos itself. According to multiple Greek Cypriots interviewed after the events, a group of six police escorted an official of the municipality to the water pumping station in order to open a valve. As they were nearing the Alikos river near the village, they came under fire from an ambush of a handful of Turkish Cypriots who were hidden on the opposite bank. The automatic weapons riddled the Land Rover with bullet holes and killed the driver and one other passenger instantly, with the car veering out of control and a subsequent exchange of fire.

Reinforcements of Greek-Cypriot police arrived, and fighting continued between the two sides. (It’s unclear how many of those fighting were from Agios Sozomenos itself, although the police were certainly from other parts and the Turkish Cypriots involved in the ambush were from the village itself.) British troops were dispatched to calm the situation and tend to the wounded. The British took 4 to 5 hours to calm the situation, imposing a ceasefire and tending to the wounded.

The immediate result were 5 Greek Cypriots dead and 12 wounded, with 1 seriously injured person dying the next day. 7 Turkish Cypriots were reported dead and 15 wounded. (It’s worth noting that the village itself was predominantly Turkish; inhabitants say there were 30 Turkish-Cypriot families and 6 Greek-Cypriot ones, with census data from 1960 saying there were 172 TC inhabitants and 25 Greek Cypriots. One former resident said that most Greek Cypriots left the village even before fighting broke out, so that there were only two old Greeks left in the village on 6 February.) The Turkish Cypriot press subsequently claimed that there was no ambush per se, but rather 6 Greek Cypriots who came with the intent of terrorizing the inhabitants of Agios Sozomenos. Nonetheless, it is clear that the fighting started with conflict over the water pumping station when the Land Rover driven by Greek Cypriot police was attacked by Turkish Cypriots.

The dead Greek Cypriots were honored in Parliament the next day, and given funerals in their own villages and cities. Particularly notable is the case of Demetris Chamatsos, who was an 18-year-old student at the vocational school in Nicosia. Today, there is a statue dedicated to him in the nearby village of Dali. Among Turkish Cypriots, an 11-year-old boy named Ismail died in the fighting.

The village was evacuated under the supervision of British forces, with most Turkish Cypriot villagers going to the nearby enclave of Louroujina (Akincilar). They subsequently moved to other parts of Cyprus, with many ending up in Nicosia and many other in Argaki near Morphou (Güzelyurt). The remaining Greek Cypriots joined those who had fled earlier in the nearby villages of Geri, Pyroi, and Potamia. When Turkish Cypriots returned to the village several years later, they found the mosque destroyed and many of the houses in ruins.

This event took place within the context of rising tensions between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and the breakdown of constitutional order, commonly known as the “disturbances” of 1963–64. In the aftermath of the fighting in Agios Sozomenos, many political actors appealed for calm (including President Makarios, AKEL, and the Confederation of Trade Organizations). Nonetheless, the situation continued to escalate. On 4 March 1964, the Security Council agreed to adopt Resolution 186, which established the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus. UNFICYP continues to patrol Cyprus until today.

For more information on the aftermath and context of these events, see the following two excellent films, which feature both testimony and archival footage:

Primary sources

I consulted the following sources in detail to construct the above narrative:

Ο Φιλελεύθερος [Phileleftheros], issues of 6, 7, and 8 February 1964.

Interviews with participants in the events, from the archives of RIK (the Cyprus Broadcast Corporation).

A later documentary by RIK, including interviews with surviving participants.

A documentary by the British Turkish Cypriot Association that includes interviews with Turkish Cypriot participants in the events.

A short presentation on Agios Sozomenos

I wrote this as a short ten-minute presentation of an ongoing research project on Agios Sozomenos. For more information, please visit the landing page here.

If you visit the abandoned village of Agios Sozomenos when the wind blows the right way, an unmistakable scent wafts through the air: cow manure. Green stalks of barley stood proud in the fields nearby when I arrived on one sunny day in spring. Visitors stream to the ruins every day — farmers done with their chores, suburban office workers taking the day off, wannabe Instagram influencers, and seemingly everyone in-between. It doesn’t take long to start wondering: just why does this place attract so many different people? Answering this question, I argue, helps us see how this site functions as a public thing that brings people together, in all their plurality, around a common object.

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Objectivity in Kant, Hegel, and Marx

In this essay, I briefly sketch the trajectory of the “objective” or “objectivity” in three canonical German philosophers: Kant, Hegel, and Marx. My motivation for pursuing this essay is looking backwards from the place of “objectivity” today, especially as the word has been variously contested in the last forty years or so in the emerging field of science and technology studies (e.g., by Donna Haraway). Too often, in these debates objectivity is deployed as a strawman, a crude caricature of logical positivism to be hacked away at by (often equally crude) postmodern critiques. A more sophisticated account of objectivity is given by Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison in their seminal 2008 book, Objectivity, which traces the rise of successive “epistemic virtues” through a close study of scientific atlases from around 1750 to 1950. There have also been recent attempts to recuperate objectivity as part of the broad coalition of movements grouped under the “ontological turn.” I think a move of this sort was anticipated by Hannah Arendt in her late Lectures on Kant’s Political Philosophy. I think all these discussions would be enriched by a more nuanced understanding of the history of this word.

But enough of this talk. This paper is more proximately driven by a fundamental foreignness I perceived when reading the German philosophers of the early nineteenth century, for whom “objectivity” seems to mean something else quite different. For the purposes of this essay, I want to reconstruct as faithfully as I can the various meanings of objectivity and objects in the work of Kant, Hegel, and Marx. I bracket both my motivations and the later development of the term to focus on an immanent account of each of these thinkers in turn. One more preliminary note: part of the foreignness can be attributed (as so often it is) to difficulties of translation. In particular, “subject” is also a Latinate term in German (Subject or Subjekt). By contrast, “object” can be either Object/Objekt (the Latinate term) or the Germanic Gegenstand, whence also Gegenständlich (“objective”) and Gegenständlichkeit (“objectivity”). Gegenstand has the distinction that it literally “stands against” something. Kant talked mostly of Objecte — but not really, since he divided the world into the realm of appearances (phenomena) and things-in-themselves. The Subjekt has a double meaning, of course: it is both subject-matter (“what is the subject of this book?”) in which case it can be rather synonymous with “object”; and it is the ethical or epistemological subject, the self that knows or acts. So much for a bird’s-eye view of the development. Let us now dive in and get our hands dirty.

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